Sentience-based event structure: Evidence from Blackfoot Elizabeth Ritter
Definite expressions and degrees of definiteness Maria Kyriakaki
Cross-linguistic contrasts in the structure of causatives in clausal nominalizations Martha McGinnis
The Tłı̨chǫ syntactic causative and non-nominal CPs Leslie Saxon
Against some approaches to long-distance agreement without Agree Carson T. Schütze
Contrast in syntax and contrast in phonology: Same difference? Daniel Currie Hall
Journal articles and book chapters
If you’re citing me:
First, thanks! I’m glad my work is relevant to something you’re interested in. Second, in case you’re wondering about how to refer to me:
Name:
Although Currie is a family name, it’s my middle name, not part of my surname. So in author–date format, my dissertation would be cited as Hall (2007) and alphabetized under H in the bibliography.
Pronouns:
I’m used to being referred to with he/him/his, but gender-neutral singular they/them/their is fine, too.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2023.
Contrast and content in phonological features: Substance use in moderation.
In Primitives of Phonological Structure, edited by Florian Breit, Bert Botma, Marijn van ’t Veer, & Marc van Oostendorp, 108–130.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Abstract: ‘Substance-free’ theories of phonology take two different approaches to eliminating phonetic information from phonological computations, positing either that distinctive features have phonetic content but phonological rules can manipulate them in arbitrary ways (Hale & Reiss 2003, 2008) or that features are based on phonological patterning and need not have any identifiable phonetic content at all (Blaho 2008; Samuels 2009). This chapter argues that the key insights of substance-free phonology can be maintained in a system that allows a limited role for phonetic substance. Methodologically, requiring that features have phonetic content and rules be formally natural limits the generative power of the system, forcing analysts to look more closely at apparently unnatural rules and classes, and precluding analyses based on spurious generalizations. At the same time, the fact that phonetic content does not always determine phonological patterning can be explained through underspecification based on contrast.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2022.
Morphosemantic Features in Universal Grammar: What We Can Learn from Marshallese Pronouns and Demonstratives.
Canadian Journal of Linguistics 67.3: 242–266.
doi: 10.1017/cnj.2022.25
Abstract: This article analyzes Marshallese pronouns and demonstratives, arguing that both privative and binary morphosemantic features are necessary, and that the two types coexist in a single domain. Marshallese encodes number with atomic, and person with [±author] and [±participant]. In the complex system of Marshallese demonstratives, atomic and [±human] map to the same head, subject to a constraint that only one feature appears at a time. The element χ, which derives person orientation in demonstratives and pronouns, does not universally map to the same syntactic position. While in Heiltsuk χ is a dependent of the person head, in Marshallese it heads a projection above the person head. And while in Heiltsuk the person features occupy the same position in both pronouns and demonstratives, Marshallese pronouns have a different structure, with person and number features mapping to a single syntactic head. The contribution of UG is thus not a set of specific features or specific structures, but a set of more abstract principles.
Abstract: This chapter discusses key figures in the 1950s and 1960s whose work led to the theory of generative phonology. Generative phonology developed in part from the collaboration of Roman Jakobson and Morris Halle, continuing the Prague School approach by elaborating and modifying earlier ideas concerning distinctive features and relating them to mathematical models from the then-new field of information theory. Another source was the formalization of American structuralist phonology by Zellig Harris and the critique of that theory by Noam Chomsky. These sources merged in the collaboration of Chomsky and Halle and their criticisms of prevailing notions of the phoneme. Another fruitful area of collaboration was their account of English stress and the cycle. We will show how the emerging synthesis both built on and diverged from earlier ideas, and discuss some of the controversies of the years leading up to the appearance of The Sound Pattern of English.
Dresher, B. Elan & Daniel Currie Hall.
2021.
The Road Not Taken: The Sound Pattern of Russian and the History of Contrast in Phonology.
Journal of Linguistics 57.2: 405–444.
doi: 10.1017/S0022226720000377
Abstract: This paper examines a turning point in the history of the theory of phonological distinctive features. In Morris Halle’s (1959) The Sound Pattern of Russian, features are organized into a contrastive hierarchy designed to minimize the number of specified features. Redundancy rules, however, ensure that the resulting underspecification has no real phonological consequences, and in subsequent generative approaches to phonology, contrastive hierarchies were largely abandoned. We explore how Halle’s hierarchy would have been different if it had been based on phonological patterns such as voicing assimilation, and show that this reorganization makes plausible predictions about other aspects of Russian phonology. We conclude by pointing to recent work in which the concept of a contrastive hierarchy has been revived, illustrating the range of phenomena that this theoretical device can account for if minimizing specifications is not the primary concern.
Abstract: Using a corpus of 1118 future-referring clauses from each of five versions of the Christian Gospels, this paper explores the effect that the development of English modals as a distinct class had on the range of meanings expressed by the simple present tense. It is shown that in Old English, the simple present tense was the primary form used to express future meanings, while by Early Modern English modals were obligatory in such clauses. In late Middle English, modals were very frequently used, but are shown not to be obligatory. The change is attributed to the advent, in the late 1500s, of a contrastive interpretable feature modality, spelled out by the modals. Thereafter, a clause lacking this contrastive feature could not be interpreted as future-referring except in planned or scheduled contexts. The featural implications of the present-day decline of the true modals are then briefly considered.
Abstract: Harbour (2016) argues for a parsimonious universal set of features for grammatical person distinctions, and suggests (ch. 7) that the same features may also form the basis for systems of deixis. We apply this proposal to an analysis of Heiltsuk, a Wakashan language with a particularly rich set of person-based deictic contrasts (Rath 1981). Heiltsuk demonstratives and third-person pronominal enclitics distinguish proximal-to-speaker, proximal-to-addressee, and distal (in addition to an orthogonal visibility contrast). There are no forms marking proximity to third persons (e.g., ‘near them’) or identifying the location of discourse participants (e.g., ‘you near me’ vs. ‘you over there’), nor does the deictic system make use of the clusivity contrast that appears in the pronoun paradigm (e.g., ‘this near you and me’ vs. ‘this near me and others’). We account for the pattern by implementing Harbour’s spatial element χ as a function that yields proximity to its first- or second-person argument.
Abstract: This paper examines a type of existential there sentence found in Middle English that has been argued to have a structure similar to transitive expletive constructions (TECs) in other Germanic languages, or to follow from the presence of NegP below T during the relevant period. Based on an exhaustive analysis of the 74 examples of this construction found in the Penn Parsed Corpora of Historical English (out of a total of over six thousand sentences from 1125 to 1913 containing there coded as expletive), we observe that 67 contain both a modal verb and clausal negation licensing a negative associate, unlike TECs found in other Germanic languages, and that the construction is found only between 1390 and 1600. We argue that the availability of this construction was due to a transitory alignment of three syntactic properties in this stage of the language: (i) modals were still main verbs merged within vP, but took a reduced complement consisting of only an inner clausal phase, and did not take a thematic external argument; (ii) English still had negative concord; (iii) Voice and viewpoint Aspect shared a single syntactic projection. The confluence of these three factors provided a non-thematic specifier position, [Spec,vP], into which there could merge. Before the late 14th century, modals were full verbs taking a thematic external argument and full clausal complements, and after about 1600, they were merged directly in T, occurring in a monoclausal rather than a (reduced) biclausal structure. At no point did the English monoclausal spine have the structural room to accommodate a true Germanic TEC.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2017.
Contrastive Specification in Phonology.
In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics, edited by Mark Aronoff.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
doi: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199384655.013.26
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2017.
The Rise of Contrastive Modality in English: A Neoparametric Account.
Linguistic Variation 17.1: 68–97.
doi: 10.1075/lv.17.1.04cow
Abstract: This paper proposes an account of the morphosyntactic and semantic changes involved in the historical development of the English modals as a distinct category. Adopting a neoparametric approach, in which a language’s inventory of grammatical features may change over time, we show that a cluster of related surface changes can be accounted for by positing that the feature Modality was added to English tense/mood system. While the most immediate manifestation of this change was the grammaticalization of the modals themselves, this in turn altered the system of contrasts in the language: in clauses without modal verbs, the absence of the modal became contrastive, narrowing the range of possible interpretations.
Abstract: The strongest version of the Activity Principle (Dresher 2015, 2016) predicts that redundant features should never be phonologically active. Laurentian French laxing harmony (Poliquin 2006), which is triggered by an allophonic property of high vowels, presents an apparent challenge to this prediction. This paper addresses that challenge, clarifying some of the theoretical questions raised by the Activity Principle and arguing that it is consistent with an account of the Laurentian French laxing pattern, provided that the binary feature [±tense] is given sufficiently wide scope in the contrastive hierarchy. The paper also suggests how the hierarchy proposed here can also contribute to accounting for dental stop assibilation (Burstynsky 1968) and vowel coalescence (St-Amand 2012).
Hall, Daniel Currie & Kathleen Currie Hall.
2016.
Marginal Contrasts and the Contrastivist Hypothesis.
Glossa 1.1.50: 1–23.
doi: 10.5334/gjgl.245
Abstract: The Contrastivist Hypothesis (CH; Hall 2007; Dresher 2009) holds that the only features that can be phonologically active in any language are those that serve to distinguish phonemes, which presupposes that phonemic status is categorical. Many researchers, however, demonstrate the existence of gradient relations. For instance, Hall (2009) quantifies these using the information-theoretic measure of entropy (unpredictability of distribution) and shows that a pair of sounds may have an entropy between 0 (totally predictable) and 1 (totally unpredictable). We argue that the existence of such intermediate degrees of contrastiveness does not make the CH untenable, but rather offers insight into contrastive hierarchies. The existence of a continuum does not preclude categorical distinctions: a categorical line can be drawn between zero entropy (entirely predictable, and thus by the CH phonologically inactive) and non-zero entropy (at least partially contrastive, and thus potentially phonologically active). But this does not mean that intermediate degrees of surface contrastiveness are entirely irrelevant to the CH; rather, we argue, they can shed light on how deeply ingrained a phonemic distinction is in the phonological system. As an example, we provide a case study from Pulaar [ATR] harmony, which has previously been claimed to be problematic for the CH.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2014.
Reductiō ad discrīmen: Where Features Come From.
Nordlyd 41.2: 145–164.
doi: 10.7557/12.3411
Abstract: This paper addresses two fundamental questions about the nature of formal features in phonology and morphosyntax: what is their expressive power, and where do they come from? To answer these questions, we begin with the most restrictive possible hypothesis (all features are privative, and are wholly dictated by Universal Grammar, with no room for cross-linguistic variation), and examine the extent to which empirical evidence from a variety of languages compels a retreat from this position. We argue that there is little to be gained by positing a universal set of specific features, and propose instead that the crucial contribution of UG is the language learner’s ability to construct features by identifying correlations between contrasts at different levels of linguistic structure. This view resonates with current research on how the interaction between UG and external ‘third factors’ shapes the structure of language, while at the same time harking back to the Saussurean notion that contrast is the central function of linguistic representations.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2014.
The Features and Exponence of Nominal Number.
Lingue e linguaggio 8.1: 63–82.
doi: 10.1418/77000
Abstract: This paper proposes a pair of morphosyntactic number features, [Discrete] and [Non-Atomic], and shows how they can contribute to an understanding of how grammatical number is expressed cross-linguistically. Starting with English, where mass nominals pattern syncretically sometimes with plural count nominals and sometimes with singular ones, we use these features to improve upon a previous account (Cowper & Hall 2002), and then extend the analysis to mass-count syncretisms in Lingala and Manam and to classifiers in Western Armenian and Mandarin. We account for the cross-linguistic variation using a consistent set of features and a highly constrained theory of morphological exponence, and argue that the variation arises from differences in the syntactic structures in which the features appear and the paradigmatic systems of contrast in which they participate.
Abstract: This chapter sheds light on the cross-linguistically robust, but not total, complementarity between plurality and classifiers by proposing a formal representation of plurality and classification as two separate aspects of individuation, the semantic property that characterizes count nouns cross-linguistically. Drawing on data from English, Mandarin, Cantonese, Armenian, Korean, and Persian, the chapter argues that the differences among these languages can be reduced to a small number of differences in a) which features the language makes use of, b) which of those features can project as syntactic heads, and c) the status of non-projecting features as modifiers or head features. Under the proposed analysis, it is not necessary that a language be characterizable, as a whole, as a classifier language or as a plural-marking language. Rather, classifiers and plural marking may coexist in a language as long as only one appears in any given nominal.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2011.
Contrast.
In The Blackwell Companion to Phonology, edited by Marc van Oostendorp, Colin J. Ewen, Elizabeth Hume, & Keren Rice, vol. 1, 27–53.
Oxford: Wiley Blackwell.
doi: 10.1002/9781444335262.wbctp0002
Hall, Daniel Currie & Jeff Mielke.
2011.
Distinctive Features.
In Oxford Bibliographies Online: Linguistics, edited by Mark Aronoff.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
doi: 10.1093/OBO/9780199772810-0012
Abstract: This is an annotated bibliography of works on distinctive features in phonology.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2011.
Phonological Contrast and its Phonetic Enhancement: Dispersedness Without Dispersion.
Phonology 28.1: 1–54.
doi: 10.1017/S0952675711000029
Abstract: This paper offers a novel account of a familiar typological observation, namely the tendency of phonological inventories to consist of segments that are dispersed through the available auditory space. In contrast to previous approaches, which have treated dispersion as a goal explicitly encoded in the grammar, this paper shows that the cross-linguistic pattern follows automatically from the interaction of two independently motivated factors: phonological representations in which only contrastive features are specified, and the enhancement of these features in phonetic implementation. The merits of this approach are illustrated by examples involving both vocalic and consonantal inventories.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2010.
Probing the Unnatural.
Linguistics in the Netherlands 27: 71–83.
doi: 10.1075/avt.27.07hal
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2009.
Argumenthood, Pronouns, and Nominal Feature Geometry.
In Determiners: Variation and Universals, edited by Jila Ghomeshi, Ileana Paul, & Martina Wiltschko, 97–120.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
doi: 10.1075/la.147.03cow
Abstract: This article explores the syntactic and feature-geometric properties of English pronouns, and offers some novel solutions to questions identified by Déchaine & Wiltschko (2002) and Rullmann (2004). Building on work by Cowper & Hall (2003, 2005) and Cowper (2005), we propose denotations and geometrical organizations for features of #, φ, and D, and show how these representations and their various syntactic realizations can account for the behaviour of pronouns in English, Halkomelem, and Shuswap. Our analysis provides a consistent interpretation for φ, rather than the dual nature proposed by Déchaine & Wiltschko (2002), and eliminates the need for at least one instance of coercion.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2008.
Prophylactic Features and Implicit Contrast.
In Contrast in Phonology: Theory, Perception, Acquisition, edited by Peter Avery, B. Elan Dresher, & Keren Rice, 35–54.
Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
doi: 10.1515/9783110208603.1.35
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2007.
Laryngeal Underspecification and Richness of the Base.
In Freedom of Analysis?, edited by Sylvia Blaho, Patrik Bye, & Martin Krämer, 11–34.
Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
doi: 10.1515/9783110198591.11
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2006.
Modelling the Linguistics–Poetics Interface.
In Formal Approaches to Poetry: Recent Developments in Metrics, edited by B. Elan Dresher & Nila Friedberg, 221–237.
Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
doi: 10.1515/9783110197624
Abstract: This paper argues for laryngeal feature specifications based on Avery (1996) to account for voicing assimilation phenomena in Czech, Slovak, and Polish within a theory of contrastive specification based on the Successive Division Algorithm of Dresher (1998a,b). The proposed specifications allow for an elegant synchronic and diachronic account of the anomalous voicing behaviour of the segments /v/ and /r̝/.
Abstract: This paper deals with spatial models of the auditory properties of speech sounds, in particular vowel space as conceived by Liljencrants and Lindblom (1972) and consonant space as discussed in Laver (1994). Computer models are used to explore the mathematical consequences of these spaces, which pose difficulties for phonetically based approaches to phonology. In each case, the problems with the spatial model point out the need to constrain and define the phonetic space with a phonological structure.
Dissertation
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2007.
The Role and Representation of Contrast in Phonological Theory.
Doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto.
Available online from Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics.
Abstract: This dissertation deals with the role of phonemic contrast in determining the featural content of phonological relations, and with the relation between phonemic and phonetic contrasts. Chapter one provides an introduction to the contrastivist hypothesis, which holds that phonological computation operates only on those features necessary to distinguish the phonemes of a language from one another, and argues that the Continuous Dichotomy Hypothesis of Dresher, Piggott, and Rice (1994) provides the best means of identifying features as contrastive or redundant. The next two chapters analyze data on voicing assimilation in Czech, Slovak, Polish, and Russian (chapter 2), and on vowel harmony in Yowlumne and Pulaar (chapter 3) that present particular challenges to the contrastivist hypothesis; here it is argued that although redundant features are sometimes crucially present in phonological representations, they do not need to be phonologically active. The data are analyzed using contrastive specifications supplemented by the novel device of prophylactic features, which are redundant features carrying information that is necessary for the phonetic realization of segments, but not for the phonological computation itself. Along the way, comparisons are drawn with analyses that incorporate more detailed phonetic information into the phonological representations, and the advantages of the underspecification approach are revealed. Chapter 4 considers the interaction between phonemic contrast and phonetic distinctness in determining the shapes of phonological inventories. It offers a critical view of some phonetically-oriented approaches, and presents as an alternative a view in which abstract and minimal phonological representations of phonemic contrasts lead to phonetically distinct surface realizations through the synchronic mechanism of phonetic enhancement and the diachronic influence of the acquisition procedure. Finally, chapter 5 explores the degree to which contrastive specification is compatible with Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993). Some of the insights of the contrastivist hypothesis can be maintained in Optimality Theory through the translation of a contrastive feature hierarchy into a constraint ranking, but contrastive specification is ultimately at odds with the Optimality Theoretic principle of Richness of the Base and the assumptions that underlie it. The main points of the dissertation are summarized in chapter 6.
Book reviews
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2020.
Book review: R.M.W. Dixon, Are some languages better than others?.
Canadian Journal of Linguistics 65.1: 148–152.
doi: 10.1017/cnj.2019.12
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2013.
Book review: Anna Łubowicz, The Phonology of Contrast.
Phonology 30.3: 517–528.
doi: 10.1017/S0952675713000237
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2012.
Book review: Bridget D. Samuels, Phonological Architecture: A Biolinguistic Perspective.
Journal of Linguistics 48.3: 736–741.
doi: 10.1017/S0022226712000308
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2012.
Book review: Rachel Walker, Vowel Patterns in Language.
Lingua 122.4: 432–438.
doi: 10.1016/j.lingua.2011.12.004
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2011.
Book review: Susanne Fuchs, Martine Toda & Marzena Żygis (eds.), Turbulent Sounds: An Interdisciplinary Guide.
Linguist List 22.247.
Published online at http://linguistlist.org/issues/22/22-247.html.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2001.
Book review: Norbert Hornstein, Move! A Minimalist Theory of Construal.
Linguist List 12.2152.
Published online at http://linguistlist.org/issues/12/12-2152.html.
Bjorkman, Bronwyn M., Elizabeth Cowper, Daniel Currie Hall, Jennice Hinds, Louise Koren, & Dan Siddiqi.
2022.
Morphological upstaging and markedness.
In Proceedings of the 2021 annual conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Angelica Hernández & Chris Plyley, 13 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2021-proceedings.html.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2014.
On Substance in Phonology.
In Proceedings of the 2014 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Laura Teddiman, 14 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2014-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2013.
English Modals: Evidence for a Neoparametric Theory of Phrase Structure.
In Proceedings of the 2013 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Shan Luo, 15 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2013-proceedings.html.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2012.
Redundant Features in a Contrast-Based Approach to Phonology.
In Proceedings of the 2012 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Paula Caxaj, 11 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2012-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2012.
Both Ends Against the Middle: Features of Voice in English, Greek, and Hebrew.
In Proceedings of the 2012 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Paula Caxaj, 14 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2012-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2011.
Four Puzzles, One Solution: The Development of the Passive Light Verb in English.
In Proceedings of the 2011 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Lisa Armstrong, 9 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2011-proceedings.html.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2010.
On the Realization of Contrastive Labial Place.
In Proceedings of the 2010 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Melinda Heijl, 15 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2010-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2010.
Structures for Possession in Upper Sorbian and Czech.
In Proceedings of the 2010 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Melinda Heijl, 13 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2010-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2009.
Where—and What—is Number?
In Proceedings of the 2009 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Frédéric Mailhot, 15 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2009-proceedings.html.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2009.
Laryngeal Neutralization in Breton: Loss of Voice and Loss of Contrast.
In Proceedings of the 2009 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Frédéric Mailhot, 14 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2009-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2008.
The Hungarian Conditional: Non-Deictic Counterfactuality.
In Proceedings of the 2008 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Susie Jones, 14 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2008-proceedings.html.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2008.
Old English High Vowel Deletion in Stocking Feet.
In Proceedings of the 2008 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Susie Jones, 11 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2008-proceedings.html.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2007.
Contrastive Specification in Optimality Theory: The Revenge of the Affricates.
In Proceedings of the 2007 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Milica Radišić, 14 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2007-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2007.
The Morphosyntactic Manifestations of Modality.
In Proceedings of the 2007 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Milica Radišić, 11 pp.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2007-proceedings.html.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2004.
A Formal Approach to /v/: Evidence from Czech and Slovak.
In Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 12: The Ottawa Meeting, edited by Olga Arnaudova, Wayles Browne, María Luisa Rivero, & Danijela Stojanović, 187–205.
Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2003.
Prophylaxis and Asymmetry in Yokuts.
In Proceedings of the 2003 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Sophie Burelle & Stanca Somesfalean, 97–108.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2003-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2003.
The Role of Register in the Syntax–Morphology Interface.
In Proceedings of the 2003 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Sophie Burelle & Stanca Somesfalean, 40–49.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2003-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2002.
The Syntactic Manifestation of Nominal Feature Geometry.
In Proceedings of the 2002 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by Sophie Burelle & Stanca Somesfalean, 55–66.
Toronto: Canadian Linguistic Association.
Published online at https://cla-acl.ca/actes/actes-2002-proceedings.html.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2001.
Overriding the Phase.
In Proceedings of the 2001 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by John T. Jensen & Gerard Van Herk, 13–23.
Ottawa: Cahiers Linguistiques d’Ottawa.
Cowper, Elizabeth & Daniel Currie Hall.
2000.
Intransitive and: Locality, movement, and interpretation.
In Proceedings of the 2000 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by John T. Jensen & Gerard Van Herk, 25–36.
Ottawa: Cahiers Linguistiques d’Ottawa.
Hall, Daniel Currie.
2000.
Prosodic Representations and Lexical Stress.
In Proceedings of the 2000 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, edited by John T. Jensen & Gerard Van Herk, 49–60.
Ottawa: Cahiers Linguistiques d’Ottawa.
Béjar, Susana & Daniel Currie Hall.
2000.
Marking Markedness: The Underlying Order of Diagonal Syncretisms.
In Proceedings of the Eastern States Conference on Linguistics (ESCOL) 1999, edited by Rebecca Daly & Anastasia Riehl, 1–12.
Ithaca, NY: Cornell Linguistics Circle Publications.
![[Image of book cover]](images/CaRiS-cover.jpg "Contrast and representations in syntax")